Monthly Archives: March 2016

Some Thoughts on the Trumpkins

Are Donald Trump and his supporters (hereafter: Trumpkins) conservative?

Roger Kimball, a man I greatly respect for his fervent defense of traditional aesthetic values, certainly doesn’t think so, however, there is a case to be made that the Trumpkins, who describe themselves as conservative, are correct in that description.

There are three main ways that conservatism has been defined: (1) a defense of the European feudal order that is historically irrelevant today, which is the position held by Arthur Schlesinger, Jr.; (2) an autonomous system of values; or (3) the a situationally defined ideology that is asserted against another ideological movement that seeks to undermine the established institutional order.

Modern American conservatives have never accepted the first definition and it is mainly used as a rhetorical tool by proponents of ideologies that are opposed by those claiming to be conservative; it is a class-based definition which appeals to those whose worldview interprets political reality in terms of class. The second definition is what a conservative like Roger Kimball would assert. It is  a certain Whiggish set of values held in common with Edmund Burke, the founder of conservatism. The final definition though is probably most relevant to the Trumpkins.

Samuel Huntington (1957) asserted that conservatism is in fact number 3. He extracts a core set of principles from Burke’s writings that defines conservatism:

  1. Man is basically a religious animal, and religion is the foundation of civil society. A divine sanction infuses the legitimate, existing, social order.
  2. Society is the natural, organic product of slow historical growth. Existing institutions embody the wisdom of previous generations. Right is a function of time.
  3. Man is a creature of instinct and emotion as well as reason. Prudence, prejudice, experience, and habit are better guides than reason, logic, abstractions, and metaphysics. Truth exists not in universal propositions but in concrete experiences.
  4. The community is superior to the individual. The rights of men derive from their duties. Evil is rooted in human nature, not in any particular social institutions.
  5. Except in an ultimate moral sense, men are unequal. Social organization is complex and always includes a variety of classes, orders, and groups. Differentiation, hierarchy, and leadership are the inevitable characteristics of any civil society.
  6. A presumption exists “in favour of any settled scheme of government against any untried project…” Man’s hopes are high, but his vision is short. Efforts to remedy existing evils usually result in even greater ones.

In short, conservatism “stands athwart history, yelling Stop” (to use William F. Buckley’s phrase).  As the society slowly changes over time (see #2), however, a new institutional norm develops to be defended when threated by radical change.

The Trumpkins consider themselves conservative in that third sense. That they want to conserve the existing Great Society programs, which were deeply un-conservative when created, does not make them un-conservative. Those institutions have become part of the accepted social fabric of society and worth preserving. Trumpkins are deeply distrustful of technocratic government, whether Republican or Democrat.

When it comes to issues, the best way to understand the Trumpkins is using Walter Russell Mead’s four main traditions in Special Providence: Jeffersonian, Hamiltonian, Jacksonian, and Wilsonian. The Trumpkins are asserting Jeffersonian (agrarian populism and non-interventionism) and Jacksonian (communitarian, yet egalitarian, and honor-bound) principles against Hamiltonian (pro-business and free trade) and Wilsonian (technocratic and interventionist) principles.

Typical Republican Party themes fail to resonate with the Trumpkins, since they, as a group, have become threatened by them. Flattening the income tax structure fails to resonate because it is insufficiently egalitarian. The claimed benefits of free trade and mass immigration fail to resonate because they suppress wages and the covenantal nature of the republic is threatened by foreign influence. Foreign wars of choice divert resources better spent at home, unless the United States is directly attacked, which challenges the Trumpkins’ honor. Trump is giving voice to a class of conservative that has been one of the three legs propping up the Republican Party and may be poised to either capture the party or split it irrevocably.

Anti-communism was the glue that held the Republican Party together in the twentieth century. That glue disappeared in October 1989.  Will the Republican Party go the way of its predecessor the Whig Party and fracture over irreconcilable differences?  Back then, it was slavery.  Will free trade and immigration be the proximate cause of a new fracture?

How to create a clash of civilizations

Samuel Huntington poked a stick in the hornets’ nest with his controversial article in Foreign Affairs The Clash of Civilizations? (few commentators acknowledge the question mark on the end), which was followed up by his book The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order that expanded on the theme.  In the book Huntington made a distinction between “fault line wars,” small wars that occur on the margins of civilizations where two different civilizations are in contact and populations are mixed and a clash of civilizations where multiple states contend waging total war divided between two civilizations.  I bring this up because I recently read an article that seems to seek an escalation of the various fault line wars on “Islam’s bloody borders,” to use Huntington’s phrase, to a full-blown clash of civilizations.

Choksy and Choksy advocate a vigorous prosecution of war by the West against Islamist groups around the world.  They correctly diagnose the current strategy of the Obama administration as a failed strategy, however, the remedies advocated violate all international norms and are beyond the military capabilities of the United States, Great Britain, France and Russia (who are the only great powers willing and able to project power.  They propose an eight point plan of action:

  1. The war on terror must stop focusing upon one group at a time. Organizations such as Al-Qaeda, the Taliban, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram share commonality with IS through Arabian funding sources, extremist interpretation of Islam, intolerance of moderate Muslims and members of other faiths, and reliance on violence.
  2. Military actions should be expanded. Bombardment from the air, special forces on the ground, and training to establish indigenous troops should not be limited to countering IS in Syria and Iraq, but also demolish IS offshoots, Al-Qaeda, and other groups in Libya, the Sinai, Afghanistan, and elsewhere… Systematically eliminating the traveling ideologues and the local gangs they organize also must become a priority for breaking the global jihad.
  3. The non-military counter-offensive against Islamic extremism needs to be taken worldwide. Better intelligence collection and more effective preemptive operations must prevent attacks by terror cell members and wannabes… Extremist-affiliated media portals providing attack techniques should be taken down as soon as they appear. Internet sites portraying Islamic terror organizations as principled should be taken over and redeployed with vivid images of how they distort Islam’s doctrines and practices to achieve radical goals.
  4. While much success has been achieved in cutting off external funds especially from the Middle East to IS and Al-Qaeda, cash flows within terrorist-controlled areas must be shut down too.
  5. Ending Islamic terrorism requires focusing not merely on current troublemakers but emerging ones as well.
  6. The countries that contributed most ideologically, fiscally, and socio-politically to the rise and spread of Islamic fanaticism must become central to ending it.
  7. The US and its western partners need to persuade Middle East rivals Saudi Arabia and Iran that inflaming sectarian tensions for religio-political goals is detrimental.
  8. Solutions to civil wars in the Middle East must tackle not only military dimensions but religious ones in order to endure. A workable political resolution for Syria has to accommodate all that country’s communities, including Alawites and other Shiites. Likewise for Iraq to stabilize, mechanisms to prevent revenge extraction between Shiite and Sunni citizens have to be established. Power-sharing and revenge foregoing are both needed to end the struggle in Yemen. After all, Islamic terrorists are most active, destructive, and lethal in countries where Muslims comprise a substantial portion of the citizenry.

A underlying assumptions behind this plan are that (1) there is a war of ideas that can be won by intervention by the West, and (2) that colonial intervention in civil wars being waged by jihadis across the Muslim world is both possible and desirable. Both assumptions are wrong. There is no war of ideas being waged between Islam and the West. It is a war of ideas within Islam! Interventions by Western great powers will be counter-productive. Furthermore, the internecine struggles in Iraq, Syria, and Yemen are not going to be solved by Western or even IGO intervention. Syria is beset with the multiple actor problem and will ultimately be solved by population transfers and partition. There is no putting Humpty Dumpty back together again as a multi-confessional multi-ethnic state on a Western model. Yemen is a proxy war being fought between Iran and Saudi Arabia both for ideological reasons (Iran’s export of revolution) and control over the Persian Gulf.

The Obama administration has stumbled into the correct policy for the wrong reasons (Jeffersonian non-interventionism). Great powers intervene in civil wars to contain conflicts and prevent them from becoming a global clash of civilizations, not escalating them to create a clash of civilizations. Treading lightly is the order of the day. Islamic civilization needs to find its own way, which will be violent and possibly last centuries. It took nearly three hundred years for Christendom to make peace with Enlightenment modernity. To expect Islamic civilization get there in decades is unrealistic.